José María Sentís Simeón

==Official: central assignments==

==Official: central assignments==

[[File:Salida de presos de la cárcel de Ondarreta (4 de 5) - Fondo Car-Kutxa Fototeka.jpg|thumb|left|prisoner released ([[San Sebastián|Donostia]], 1942)]]

[[File:Salida de presos de la cárcel de Ondarreta (4 de 5) - Fondo Car-Kutxa Fototeka.jpg|thumb|left|prisoner released ([[San Sebastián|Donostia]], 1942)]]

In May 1942 Sentís was appointed director técnico de Consumos y Racionamiento, a sub-unit of Comisaría de Abastecimientos y TransportesGarcía Ramos 2003, p. 205, ''ABC'' 08.05.42, available [http://hemeroteca.abc.es/nav/Navigate.exe/hemeroteca/madrid/abc/1942/05/08/005.html here] concerned primarily with managing food provisions, at the time in permanent short supply. The role proved a brief one; two months later [[Esteban de Bilbao Eguía|Esteban Bilbao]], the Carlist Minister of Justice, suggested he assumes the role of Director General de Prisiones. According to his later account Sentís hesitated about accepting the job but was sort of forced into it by Franco, who dismissed his doubts and ordered Bilbao to proceed with the appointment.Corts i Salvat, Toda i Serra 1986, p. 24 Promoted to [[Lieutenant colonel|teniente-coronel]], in parallel Sentís became also president of Comisión Permanente del Patronato Central de [[:es:Redención de penas por el trabajo|Redención de Penas por el Trabajo]],Sentís acted as president of the Patronato between July 25, 1942 and April 11, 1943, José Luis Gutiérrez Molina, ''Miembros de la Comisión Permanente del Patronato Central de Redención de Penas por el Trabajo (1938‐1950)'', [in:] ''Campos de Concentración y Trabajo Esclavo en Andalucía. VI Jornadas'', Sevilla 2010, p. 14 supervising the network of Francoist [[labor camp]]s.for details see Jaume Sobrequés i Callicó, Carme Molinero Ruiz, Margarida Sala (eds.), ''Una inmensa prisión: los campos de concentración y las prisiones durante la Guerra Civil y el franquismo'', Barcelona 2003, {{ISBN|8484324389}} At the time the repressive nature of the system was getting somewhat diluted; the prison population kept falling from the early post-war high of 300,000 and reached 124,000 in 1942, to drop to 74,000 in 1943.Stanley G. Payne, ''The Franco Regime'', Madison 1987, {{ISBN|0299110702}}, p. 223 None of the sources consulted provides any information on Sentís' role except that at earlier stages he demonstrated some compassion for Republican [[Prisoner of war|POW]]s.in 1938 Sentís was using his personal links helping Joaquín Bau to get Catalan Republican POWs out of prisons and labor camps, Monserrat Cavaller 2001, p. 227 His term lasted 8 months. When Bilbao ceased as minister, the new one Eduardo Aunós brought in his own menCorts i Salvat, Toda i Serra 1986, p. 24 and Sentís was released in April 1943.Sentís term of jefe of prisons lasted between July 22, 1942 and April 2, 1943, Clyde L. Clark, ''Francisco Franco, The Evolution of the Franco Regime'', vol. 2, Washington n.d., p. 894

In May 1942 Sentís was appointed director técnico de Consumos y Racionamiento, a sub-unit of Comisaría de Abastecimientos y TransportesGarcía Ramos 2003, p. 205, ''ABC'' 08.05.42, available [http://hemeroteca.abc.es/nav/Navigate.exe/hemeroteca/madrid/abc/1942/05/08/005.html here] concerned primarily with managing food provisions, at the time in permanent short supply. The role proved a brief one; two months later [[Esteban de Bilbao Eguía|Esteban Bilbao]], the Carlist Minister of Justice, suggested he assumes the role of Director General de Prisiones. According to his later account Sentís hesitated about accepting the job but was sort of forced into it by Franco, who dismissed his doubts and ordered Bilbao to proceed with the appointment.Corts i Salvat, Toda i Serra 1986, p. 24 Promoted to [[Lieutenant colonel|teniente-coronel]], in parallel Sentís became also president of Comisión Permanente del Patronato Central de [[:es:Redención de penas por el trabajo|Redención de Penas por el Trabajo]],Sentís acted as president of the Patronato between July 25, 1942 and April 11, 1943, José Luis Gutiérrez Molina, ''Miembros de la Comisión Permanente del Patronato Central de Redención de Penas por el Trabajo (1938‐1950)'', [in:] ''Campos de Concentración y Trabajo Esclavo en Andalucía. VI Jornadas'', Sevilla 2010, p. 14 supervising the network of Francoist [[labor camp]]s.for details see Jaume Sobrequés i Callicó, Carme Molinero Ruiz, Margarida Sala (eds.), ''Una inmensa prisión: los campos de concentración y las prisiones durante la Guerra Civil y el franquismo'', Barcelona 2003, {{ISBN|8484324389}} At the time the repressive nature of the system was getting somewhat diluted; the prison population kept falling from the early post-war high of 300,000 and reached 124,000 in 1942, to drop to 74,000 in 1943.Stanley G. Payne, ''The Franco Regime'', Madison 1987, {{ISBN|0299110702}}, p. 223 None of the sources consulted provides any information on Sentís' role except that at earlier stages he demonstrated some compassion for Republican [[Prisoner of war|POW]]s.in 1938 Sentís was using his personal links helping Joaquín Bau to get Catalan Republican POWs out of prisons and labor camps, Monserrat Cavaller 2001, p. 227 His term lasted 8 months. When Bilbao ceased as minister, the new one [[Eduardo Aunós]] brought in his own menCorts i Salvat, Toda i Serra 1986, p. 24 and Sentís was released in April 1943.Sentís term of jefe of prisons lasted between July 22, 1942 and April 2, 1943, Clyde L. Clark, ''Francisco Franco, The Evolution of the Franco Regime'', vol. 2, Washington n.d., p. 894

1943 marked the end of major Sentís' assignments. Though at the time Serrano Suñer was ousted and the hard Falangist core was getting de-emphasized, this did not work to Sentís' advantage; he was getting gradually sidetracked. At unspecified time and still in military service, Sentís became Secretary of [[Supreme Council of Military Justice]]; apparently marginalized in terms of political career, he seemed put up with his bureaucratic role off the limelight and later appreciated the new position;Corts i Salvat, Toda i Serra 1986, p. 24 in 1948 he was already coronel de infantería.''Nueva Alcarria'' 07.02.48, available [http://prensahistorica.mcu.es/es/catalogo_imagenes/grupo.cmd?interno=S&posicion=3&path=5084236&presentacion=pagina here] In public he maintained a low profile; noted in the press usually due to his engagement in religious or ex-combatant feasts, he has never been acknowledged in relation to his military court role, usually even his military rank omitted.''Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Guadalajara'' 09.03.50, available [http://prensahistorica.mcu.es/es/catalogo_imagenes/grupo.cmd?interno=S&posicion=1&path=5085997&presentacion=pagina here]

1943 marked the end of major Sentís' assignments. Though at the time Serrano Suñer was ousted and the hard Falangist core was getting de-emphasized, this did not work to Sentís' advantage; he was getting gradually sidetracked. At unspecified time and still in military service, Sentís became Secretary of [[Supreme Council of Military Justice]]; apparently marginalized in terms of political career, he seemed put up with his bureaucratic role off the limelight and later appreciated the new position;Corts i Salvat, Toda i Serra 1986, p. 24 in 1948 he was already coronel de infantería.''Nueva Alcarria'' 07.02.48, available [http://prensahistorica.mcu.es/es/catalogo_imagenes/grupo.cmd?interno=S&posicion=3&path=5084236&presentacion=pagina here] In public he maintained a low profile; noted in the press usually due to his engagement in religious or ex-combatant feasts, he has never been acknowledged in relation to his military court role, usually even his military rank omitted.''Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Guadalajara'' 09.03.50, available [http://prensahistorica.mcu.es/es/catalogo_imagenes/grupo.cmd?interno=S&posicion=1&path=5085997&presentacion=pagina here]

Sentís was second only to Valiente, the Jefe Delegado.in 1963 Sentís as secretary general co-signed ''El carlismo y la unidad religiosa'', a document protesting planned new law admitting religious liberalisation; in the document he was listed third, following the claimant Don Javier and Jefe Delegado José María Valiente, García Riol 2015, p. 150 Though his role was largely technical and theoretically boiled down to co-ordinating work of Junta Nacional, it vested him also with real powers, e.g. those related to handling the party finances,compare controversies related to financing ''Azada y Asta'', Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 197, or Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 276 especially that he entered also Comisión Especial de Estudios Económicos and planned the budget for 1963.Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 178 He entered also Comisión Permanente, another coordinative body.together with Miguel Fagoaga and José María Codoñ, Lavardin 1976, p. 121 However, the Hugocarlista strategy employed in their bid for control in the organization relied on constant structural changes, with new bodies being created in order to dilute power. A new scheme, effective since 1963, confirmed Sentís as general secretary but tended to relegate Traditionalists to prestigious position of little powerVázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 196-197 and put followers of the prince on key behind-the-stage jobs.Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 80

Sentís was second only to Valiente, the Jefe Delegado.in 1963 Sentís as secretary general co-signed ''El carlismo y la unidad religiosa'', a document protesting planned new law admitting religious liberalisation; in the document he was listed third, following the claimant Don Javier and Jefe Delegado José María Valiente, García Riol 2015, p. 150 Though his role was largely technical and theoretically boiled down to co-ordinating work of Junta Nacional, it vested him also with real powers, e.g. those related to handling the party finances,compare controversies related to financing ''Azada y Asta'', Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 197, or Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 276 especially that he entered also Comisión Especial de Estudios Económicos and planned the budget for 1963.Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 178 He entered also Comisión Permanente, another coordinative body.together with Miguel Fagoaga and José María Codoñ, Lavardin 1976, p. 121 However, the Hugocarlista strategy employed in their bid for control in the organization relied on constant structural changes, with new bodies being created in order to dilute power. A new scheme, effective since 1963, confirmed Sentís as general secretary but tended to relegate Traditionalists to prestigious position of little powerVázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 196-197 and put followers of the prince on key behind-the-stage jobs.Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 80

Sentís did not seem aware of the ongoing power struggle. Naturally conservative, he negotiated return of the ''Siempre'' group.a group of Traditionalists abandoned Comunión in the very early 1960s and grouped around a review ''Siempre''. Sentís acted as intermediary working to facilitate their return to Javierismo; as it was in no interest to Hugocarlistas to admit their opponents back, the contacts were slashed, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 77 Loyal to [[Prince Xavier of Bourbon-Parma|Don Javier]] he served as a link between him and the increasingly marginalized Zamanillo,e.g. when Don Javier asked Zamanillo to step down from leadership of Hermandad, allegedly not to provide the impression that Hermanded was an official Carlist outpost, it was Sentís chosen to deliver the request and work on Zamanillo, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 189. Eventually Zamanillo was replaced as president of the Hermandad by [[Ignacio Romero Osborne]], a person totally loyal to prince Carlos Hugo and his line though he also denounced the latter suspecting him of secret talks about dynastic reconciliation with the Juanistas;in 1963 Zamanillo, Fagoaga, Del Mazo, Arauz and others dined together in a restaurant; Sentís and Massó denounced the meeting as smelling of potential dynastical talks. Soon the episode was used as one of many arguments for expulsing Zamanillo, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 187 the affair contributed to final expulsion of Zamanillo. The Hugocarlistas considered Sentís a rotten reactionary and "lugarteniente de Valiente",Lavardin 1976, pp. 188-189 but they needed him to credit their strategy of courting Franco and as a person with links to the regime, especially as Carlos Sentís was at the time the manager of [[EFE]], much needed in Hugocarlista media strategy.Lavardin 1976, pp. 184, 190. The Carlists did their best to dodge censorship and sneak into the official discourse, sometimes with success. In 1964 Carlos Sentís penned a piece which ended rather typically with venerating homage to Franco, but the closing passages were by no means typical; they wished for "an adequate succession to caudillo in form of a dynasty which personifies Catholic, popular, social and representative monarchy", a clear reference to the Borbón-Parmas, ''Nueva Alcarria'' 24.07.64, available [http://prensahistorica.mcu.es/es/catalogo_imagenes/grupo.cmd?interno=S&posicion=20&path=5083609&presentacion=pagina here] Indeed, in 1964 Sentís contributed to public image campaigns promoting Carlos Hugo and his wife [[Princess Irene of the Netherlands|Irene]],''Nueva Alcarria'' 19.09.64, available [http://prensahistorica.mcu.es/es/catalogo_imagenes/grupo.cmd?interno=S&posicion=5&path=5083617&presentacion=pagina here], for Sentís courting "infanta doña Cecilia de Borbón-Parma" see ''Nueva Alcarria'' 06.04.63, available [http://prensahistorica.mcu.es/es/catalogo_imagenes/grupo.cmd?interno=S&posicion=2&path=5083004&presentacion=pagina here] inadvertently strengthening the Hugocarlistas at the expense of Valiente and the Traditionalists. During informal talks with the head of Falange [[:es:José Solís Ruiz|Solís]] the Hugocarlistas suggested that Sentís be appointed to the Cortes;in June 1964 Comunión people suggested to Solís that Sentís, Ramón Massó, Pedro Echevarría and José María Zavala get nominated to the Cortes, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 236 indeed in 1964 he was nominated member of [[:es:Consejo Nacional del Movimiento|Consejo Nacional del Movimiento]],Marín Corbera 2013, p. 288 which ensured a 3-year-term in the parliament.see the Sentís entry at the official Cortes site, available [http://www.congreso.es/portal/page/portal/Congreso/Congreso/SDocum/ArchCon/SDHistoDipu/SDIndHistDip?_piref73_1340024_73_1340023_1340023.next_page=/wc/servidorCGI&CMD=VERLST&BASE=DIPH&FMT=DIPHXLDA.fmt&DOCS=1-125&DOCORDER=FIFO&OPDEF=Y&QUERY=%28108300%29.NDIP. here]

Sentís did not seem aware of the ongoing power struggle. Naturally conservative, he negotiated return of the ''Siempre'' group.a group of Traditionalists abandoned Comunión in the very early 1960s and grouped around a review ''Siempre''. Sentís acted as intermediary working to facilitate their return to Javierismo; as it was in no interest to Hugocarlistas to admit their opponents back, the contacts were slashed, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 77 Loyal to [[Prince Xavier of Bourbon-Parma|Don Javier]] he served as a link between him and the increasingly marginalized Zamanillo,e.g. when Don Javier asked Zamanillo to step down from leadership of Hermandad, allegedly not to provide the impression that Hermanded was an official Carlist outpost, it was Sentís chosen to deliver the request and work on Zamanillo, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 189. Eventually Zamanillo was replaced as president of the Hermandad by [[Ignacio Romero Osborne]], a person totally loyal to prince Carlos Hugo and his line though he also denounced the latter suspecting him of secret talks about dynastic reconciliation with the Juanistas;in 1963 Zamanillo, Fagoaga, Del Mazo, Arauz and others dined together in a restaurant; Sentís and Massó denounced the meeting as smelling of potential dynastical talks. Soon the episode was used as one of many arguments for expulsing Zamanillo, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 187 the affair contributed to final expulsion of Zamanillo. The Hugocarlistas considered Sentís a rotten [[reactionary]] and "lugarteniente de Valiente",Lavardin 1976, pp. 188-189 but they needed him to credit their strategy of courting Franco and as a person with links to the regime, especially as Carlos Sentís was at the time the manager of [[EFE]], much needed in Hugocarlista media strategy.Lavardin 1976, pp. 184, 190. The Carlists did their best to dodge censorship and sneak into the official discourse, sometimes with success. In 1964 Carlos Sentís penned a piece which ended rather typically with venerating homage to Franco, but the closing passages were by no means typical; they wished for "an adequate succession to caudillo in form of a dynasty which personifies Catholic, popular, social and representative monarchy", a clear reference to the Borbón-Parmas, ''Nueva Alcarria'' 24.07.64, available [http://prensahistorica.mcu.es/es/catalogo_imagenes/grupo.cmd?interno=S&posicion=20&path=5083609&presentacion=pagina here] Indeed, in 1964 Sentís contributed to public image campaigns promoting Carlos Hugo and his wife [[Princess Irene of the Netherlands|Irene]],''Nueva Alcarria'' 19.09.64, available [http://prensahistorica.mcu.es/es/catalogo_imagenes/grupo.cmd?interno=S&posicion=5&path=5083617&presentacion=pagina here], for Sentís courting "infanta doña Cecilia de Borbón-Parma" see ''Nueva Alcarria'' 06.04.63, available [http://prensahistorica.mcu.es/es/catalogo_imagenes/grupo.cmd?interno=S&posicion=2&path=5083004&presentacion=pagina here] inadvertently strengthening the Hugocarlistas at the expense of Valiente and the Traditionalists. During informal talks with the head of Falange [[:es:José Solís Ruiz|Solís]] the Hugocarlistas suggested that Sentís be appointed to the Cortes;in June 1964 Comunión people suggested to Solís that Sentís, Ramón Massó, Pedro Echevarría and José María Zavala get nominated to the Cortes, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 236 indeed in 1964 he was nominated member of [[:es:Consejo Nacional del Movimiento|Consejo Nacional del Movimiento]],Marín Corbera 2013, p. 288 which ensured a 3-year-term in the parliament.see the Sentís entry at the official Cortes site, available [http://www.congreso.es/portal/page/portal/Congreso/Congreso/SDocum/ArchCon/SDHistoDipu/SDIndHistDip?_piref73_1340024_73_1340023_1340023.next_page=/wc/servidorCGI&CMD=VERLST&BASE=DIPH&FMT=DIPHXLDA.fmt&DOCS=1-125&DOCORDER=FIFO&OPDEF=Y&QUERY=%28108300%29.NDIP. here]

[[File:Jaarlijkse bijeenkomst van Carlisten op de Los Angeles berg bij Madrid.jpg|thumb|Carlist gathering, [[Cerro de los Ángeles|Cerro de Los Ángeles]] near Madrid, mid-1960s]]

[[File:Jaarlijkse bijeenkomst van Carlisten op de Los Angeles berg bij Madrid.jpg|thumb|Carlist gathering, [[Cerro de los Ángeles|Cerro de Los Ángeles]] near Madrid, mid-1960s]]

The year of 1964 marked the climax of Sentís' role in the party. Later that year chief architects of Hugocarlista bid were replaced with new, even more radical leaders, who decided to abandon the initial caution and launch an open progressist campaign. Though Valiente and Sentís were dubbed "jefes nacionales carlistas", in fact it was Carlos Hugo and his entourage who were pulling the strings;Lavardin 1976, p. 199 they considered the time ripe for purging the party executive from the Traditionalists. Riding another wave of structural remodeling, in 1965 they abolished the role of Secretary General altogether.Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 96, Rodón Guinjoan 2016, p. 280 Dismissal was disguised as sort of an honorary retirement and Sentís was invited to take part in the meeting of Carlist jefes with Don Javier in [[:de:Schloss Puchheim|Puchheim]].García Riol 2015, p. 50 The claimant addressed Sentís with an effusive letter, thanking him for great contribution and vaguely suggesting the need to make room for the young;García Riol 2015, p. 53 this was also the line advanced by the Hugocarlistas themselves.Lavardin 1976, p. 252 As Sentís remained a rather passive member of the executiveLavardin 1976, p. 251 his ousting did not come as a big surprise and initially generated little controversy within the organization.Lavardin 1976, pp. 251-252 Hugocarlistas were cautious to burn his entire correspondence and change the office door locks.see ''Carta de Doña Maria Amparo Munilla'', Archivo Familia Borbón Parma, 30.10.1967, transcribed [http://hispanismo.org/politica-y-sociedad/19362-correspondencia-del-rey-javier-i.html#post132389 here]. Munilla suggests that "they [Hugocarlistas] feared something from him [Sentis]".

The year of 1964 marked the climax of Sentís' role in the party. Later that year chief architects of Hugocarlista bid were replaced with new, even more radical leaders, who decided to abandon the initial caution and launch an open progressist campaign. Though Valiente and Sentís were dubbed "jefes nacionales carlistas", in fact it was Carlos Hugo and his entourage who were pulling the strings;Lavardin 1976, p. 199 they considered the time ripe for purging the party executive from the Traditionalists. Riding another wave of structural remodeling, in 1965 they abolished the role of Secretary General altogether.Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 96, Rodón Guinjoan 2016, p. 280 Dismissal was disguised as sort of an honorary retirement and Sentís was invited to take part in the meeting of Carlist jefes with Don Javier in [[:de:Schloss Puchheim|Puchheim]].García Riol 2015, p. 50 The claimant addressed Sentís with an effusive letter, thanking him for great contribution and vaguely suggesting the need to make room for the young;García Riol 2015, p. 53 this was also the line advanced by the Hugocarlistas themselves.Lavardin 1976, p. 252 As Sentís remained a rather passive member of the executiveLavardin 1976, p. 251 his ousting did not come as a big surprise and initially generated little controversy within the organization.Lavardin 1976, pp. 251-252 Hugocarlistas were cautious to burn his entire correspondence and change the office door locks.see ''Carta de Doña Maria Amparo Munilla'', Archivo Familia Borbón Parma, 30.10.1967, transcribed [http://hispanismo.org/politica-y-sociedad/19362-correspondencia-del-rey-javier-i.html#post132389 here]. Munilla suggests that "they [Hugocarlistas] feared something from him [Sentis]".